NCLC is also capable of "short-term undercover investigations," although our sources say these operations are few and far between. The most successful one was probably the infiltration of a USLP member, posing as a freelance reporter, into the June 10-11, 1978 national convention of PROD, a dissident reform group within the Teamsters Union. The result was a 32-page "Special Report for the Teamster Leadership," including interviews with PROD spokesmen on delicate questions of tactics, an analysis of the convention registration lists, a report of the proceedings, and a projection of PROD's plans for the upcoming year.

In addition, the NCLC managed to get a member of its Latin American intelligence sector into Castro's Cuba for the Non-aligned Conference last month (even though the Cubans adhere to the international line of the communist press that NCLC is a "CIA front"). The NCLC operative, officially attending as a correspondent for NSIPS, even gained an interview with a high-ranking official of the new Sandinista government of Nicaragua.

According to NCLC defectors, the group's first overtures to the law enforcement community came in early 1974, when the cult attempted to enlist support among Boston police officers against an alleged conspiracy by the federal Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) to take over local police departments.

In mid 1976, shortly after LaRouche's "turn to the Right," NCLC made a flurry of phone calls to the FBI and the CIA, offering to give them information on alleged terrorist activity by the Institute of Policy Studies and other left-leaning groups. According to documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, FBI agents met with NCLC members on several occasions. The CIA, more cautious, advised the group to submit its information in writing.

NCLC apparently achieved one concrete benefit from these contacts. In 1977, the FBI officially dropped its surveillance of NCLC, even though previous bureau reports had characterized the group as extremely dangerous and violent. (See Our Town, Sept. 23.)

Over the past year, NCLC has championed the cause of former FBI and CIA officials forced to resign after the Nixon era. NCLC speaks of the "gutting" of the intelligence community and calls for the formation of a privately funded shadow-CIA based on collaboration between former intelligence officers and the USLP.

In fact, NCLC is already collaborating with fringe elements of the former intelligence community: individuals such as Mitchell WerBell III, Gordon Novel, and Roy Frankhauser.

According to our sources, however, the great dream of the NCLC security staff is to link up with James Jesus Angleton, former CIA counterintelligence chief and now the chairman of the privately funded Security and Intelligence Fund.

Respected figures in the foreign policy establishment say that any serious link between Angleton, a strong supporter of Israel, and the anti-Semitic USLP would be highly unlikely. But the NCLC can't help trying. One of our dissident sources recalled how, during a recent crisis at the NCLC's national office, one of the security honchos shouted to an underling: "Quick! Go brief Angleton!"

Our Town called Angleton who confirmed that he had received "more than one" call from the USLP "several months ago."

"They told me their leader was being threatened with assassination, they wanted me to alert the authorities for them," Angleton said. "To tell the truth, I've never understood what they're all about."

The most sinister feature of USLP's attempts to gain acceptance in law enforcement and national security circles is not the paranoid intelligence reports the group circulates. Rather, it is their attempts to organize frustrated cops and spooks around overtly fascist political programs, based on anti-Semitism and on an idolization of Frank Rizzo's police department in Philadelphia.

Our Town obtained copies of two bound volumes of sample intelligence reports and New Solidarity reprints which NCLC has reportedly circulated among law enforcement officials in several cities. The lead reprint in one volume is LaRouche's "How to Analyze and Uproot International Terrorism" (described in Our Town, Sept. 2), in which LaRouche calls for the final solution against world Jewry.

The code word "British" (for Jew) featured in this New Solidarity article is also used in literature explicitly aimed at law enforcement officials. For instance, in the July 15, 1978 statement by LaRouche describing USLP "security services," the NCLC fuehrer charges that "Terrorism is the wet edge of a covert psychological warfare operation run by agencies of the British monarchy and its allies against both nations and factional forces whose policies are considered a potential danger to the perceived interests of the British monarchy and its allies."

But in NCLC's appeal to law officers, the "British" code word is supplemented by a second code word, "terrorism," which stands for any form of social protest left of center (liberal, socialist, or communist). This is made clear by NCLC's incessant equating of terrorism with a wide variety of peaceful protest movements, especially the environmental movement.

As with the "British" code, there is a method in the mad semantics. The term "terrorism" enables NCLC to call for the use of "preventive force" and "surgical force" against legitimate protest movements, but without triggering outrage among potential NCLC supporters who are not yet ready for such extreme ideas.

According to one former NCLC member, "they are actually calling for death squads as in Latin America. It's a fitting ideological complement to the counterterrorist training they receive at the 'Farm' in Powder Springs, Georgia."

The call for preventive repression is based upon LaRouche's theory that terrorism is not the work of isolated groups but is controlled from the top down by international Jewish bankers and is linked to an entire social environment of Jewish-inspired social protest (which is itself part of the terrorist conspiracy, even when conducted peacefully). Thus terrorism can only be stopped, the NCLC leader argues, by striking at the high level controllers and uprooting the environment of social protest.

We quote from the July 15, 1978 statement:

If antiterrorist forces are limited by executive direction or policy to pursuing the perpetrators during and after the act, there is no probable defense against terrorism. A soft approach to terrorist control...or limiting action to seeking out the identified perpetrators of accomplished crimes leaves the nation essentially defenseless against a continuing wave of terrorism.

Readers should note how the NCLC neatly sidesteps the Bill of Rights and other Constitutional guarantees: An individual does not, in their view, have to actually commit a crime before becoming an object of repressive action by the state. All he has to do is participate in a general climate of political dissent.

This latter point is stated very precisely by LaRouche in his appeal for "surgically precise preventive action" to be directed against the "deployment capabilities and controllership of the overall operation of which terrorism is a part" (in other words, against all radicals, all dissenters... and all Jews).

Furthermore, terrorism should be taken advantage of to justify a state of siege: "It is essential to launch a surgically precise action ... but also to use the terrorism as a justification for political penalties against the environmentalists."

Finally, the purpose of state repression should not be (as under the rule of law) to see that justice is done--but rather to serve totalitarian goals. The "surgery," LaRouche teaches, is necessary in order to "give the population confidence in the government's ability to defeat the terrorists" and also to "produce the effect of a preventive action against further terrorist activities." In other words, LaRouche--the self-styled defender of conservative American values--would give the U.S. government unprecedented new powers: the power to glorify itself (i.e., give the people "confidence" in itself) at the expense of dissenters, and the power to punish people not for what they have done but for what they might do ("preventive action").

As we go to press, a LaRouche campaign aide informs us that the NCLC leader has expanded his Presidential campaign plans for the upcoming months to include participation in the primaries in no less than ten states.

SIDEBAR: Cult of Intelligence

"The ferocity with which NCLC members pursue intelligence data is almost impossible for outsiders to comprehend," a former cult member told Our Town. "They are constantly profiling the opinions of bankers, police officials, diplomats, politicians, government bureaucrats...anyone they can reach, and often some pretty high up people. It's a constant active intelligence process seven days a week, and God knows where it all gets sent."

The national office intelligence staff at 304 W. 58th St. in Manhattan is divided into sectors for various parts of the world. Each morning, the sector heads "deploy" their assistants based on instructions from the National Executive Committee (NEC), to make undercover phone calls, translate articles, search the files, etc.

Redeployments are made throughout the day, based on consultation between the NEC and the sector heads, to produce the final product: the sector reports and the daily intelligence analysis and briefings based on these reports.

The daily analysis is decided through vigorous debate at the NEC meeting held each evening, and the final briefing slugs are then written. The results are handed to the communications staff which telexes them to all regional offices and to the international co-thinker organizations, so that each member of the cult throughout the world can receive his copy when he reports for duty the next morning.

This process is carried out like clockwork on most days, and the discipline of the national office sector workers and NEC members is guaranteed by the "high" they achieve. They live and work in a fantasy environment in which NCLC is a world government in the wings and the Thought of Lyndon LaRouche has a daily impact on the lives of millions.

Each day's report for each given sector is made up of notes from dozens of phone calls and from a vast number of periodicals, as well as the reports that come in by Telex from each regional office and from overseas. After its use in producing the daily intelligence evaluation, all of this material is carefully cross-filed for future reference.

In other words: USLP literature directed at American Blacks attacks Jews as racists, while USLP literature directed at South African whites attacks the same Jews as anti-racist supporters of Black liberation. One of the USLP defectors summed the situation up: "The party leadership doesn't really care about the problems of Black people in the United States--nor does it have any real sympathy for the Afrikaners. It just wants to manipulate both groups into supporting its international crusade against the Jews."

According to defectors, the USLP campaign to woo the South Africans was triggered by a series of articles which appeared in June 1977 in The Citizen, a Johannesburg daily subsidized by the South African government. The articles, based on information from Birch Society sources in the U.S., detailed an alleged "secret war" waged by the U.S. against South Africa. They were filled with the type of conspiracy theories in which the USLP had long delighted: the Bilderbergers, the CIA, the Trilateral Commission, the Council on Foreign Relations, the liberal foundations, the Royal Institute for International Affairs...all conspiring against the beleaguered Boers.

USLP leaders began to speculate that, just perhaps, there might be a "humanist" faction amongst the rulers of South Africa which would be susceptible to the USLP program (or at least could produce some money for the party coffers by purchasing "intelligence reports"). The party leaders also noted, of course, the eclecticism of The Citizen articles and figured the South Africans could use a little ideological upgrading.

A search through South African newspapers and magazines turned up an appropriate faction amongst the Afrikaners: a group of economic growth-oriented industrialists and politicians whom the USLP could envision as being locked in a life-and-death struggle (like the USLP itself) against Jewish financiers such as Harry Oppenheimer of the Anglo-American Mining Corporation.

USLP termed this group the "Pretoria humanists," but for the Our Town reader to understand what the USLP was really talking about--and the "signals" it was really sending out--it is first necessary to know a little about the structure of South African politics.

The republic is ruled as a partial dictatorship over English-speaking whites (as well as a total dictatorship over the nonwhite population) by the Afrikaners, who speak a bastardized form of Dutch. The Afrikaners rule through the Nationalist Party, but this party is in turn controlled by the Broederbond, a secret society of 12,000 leading Afrikaners who operate in a quasi-totalitarian manner. The Broederbond is not only dedicated to maintaining Afrikaner political power but also to gradually dislodging the English-speaking (including Jewish) whites from the dominant role in the nation's economy.

Like the USLP, the Broederbond (aka Bond) has a history of anti-Semitism. It has always been strongly pro-German, and during World War Two it opposed the South African government's support for the Allies. Some of its leading members established a Nazi organization, the infamous Ossewa Brandwag. After the war, the Bond came to power via a Nationalist Party electoral victory over General Smuts, the anti-fascist prime minister whom the Bond detested for allegedly selling out to the British. The Bond then proceeded to reorganize South African society in accord with its racist theory of apartheid (or separate development). It has ruled the nation ever since. (Our Town readers who want more details should read The Broederbond by Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom, a 450-page expose published this year by Paddington Press.)

The USLP, in its internal documents on South Africa, rarely if ever mentions the Broederbond. But in fact the "discovery" of the Pretoria humanists was really a discovery of the Broederbond, and the subsequent attempt to link up with the Pretoria humanists was really an attempt to ally with the Broederbond.

"There is in SA a network of actual humanists," wrote the USLP's David Cherry. "It is led by former foreign minister Hilgard Muller...by former Minister of Finance Nico Diederichs...and in the younger generation by Anton Rupert...."

The USLP claims that these three South Africans possess a special enlightened attitude; but all three are leading Broederbond members (see Wilkins and Strydom) and hence must be regarded as loyal upholders of the apartheid system.

Of the three, Diederichs (who has since died) was the most prestigious--one of the grand old men of the Nationalist Party. Let us examine his record as a "humanist":

1. In the early 1930s, the Bond was fascinated by Hitler and sent a few selected Afrikaners to Germany to "study methods employed in the education of the nation's youth." Dr. Nico Diederichs was one who went across to study and report, and qualified as a Quisling in the Nazi's Anti-Komintern training school." (Wilkins and Strydom, p. 76.)

2. In 1934, just returned from Germany, Diederichs was one of the founders of the pro-Nazi Afrikaanse Nasionale Studentebonde in South Africa. (W&S, p. 256.)

3. In 1936, Diederichs published his book on Afrikaner nationalism which served as the theoretical foundation for apartheid. (W&S, p. 196.)

4. From 1938 to 1942, Diederichs was the chairman of the Broederbond. During this period, the Bond favored a Nazi victory, worked closely with the Ossewa Brandwag stormtroopers, maintained secret radio transmitters to send military secrets to the Nazis, and in general functioned as a Fifth Column within South Africa. (W&S, pp. 48, 79.)

5. In 1948, Diederichs was a founder of the South African Bureau for Racial Affairs (SABRA), a Broederbond propaganda organ dedicated to the defense of apartheid. (W&S, p. 272.)

6. In later years through the 1970s, Diederichs served as Minister of Finance and then State President of the apartheid republic. (W&S, p. 425.)

In one of the USLP internal documents, intelligence staffer David Cherry describes an attempt to communicate with this great humanist. Cherry says that he sent Diederichs a copy of Lyndon LaRouche's proposal for an International Development Bank, and that Diederichs sent back a "personal note of thanks." To date, this is the only instance of communication between the USLP and a Broederbond leader that Our Town has been able to uncover. Perhaps the USLP's Black allies should ask LaRouche: How many more documents were sent? To whom? And were replies of a more significant nature received?

The Pretoria humanist who fascinated USLP the most, however, was not Diederichs, but Anton Rupert: the Afrikaner tobacco tycoon who has become a hero to many Afrikaners as a result of his successes in the international economic arena. The USLP decided, based on a study of Rupert's speeches and writings, that he was not just an "actual humanist" but a "conscious humanist." They even claimed to discover traces of LaRouche-style epistemology in his business pep talks.

The USLP especially admired Rupert for his creation of the EDESA bank in 1973 with the cooperation of West German financiers such as the late Juergen Ponto, in order to channel European investment into South Africa and South African investment into Black Africa. In fact, the USLP Conference on the Industrial Development of Southern Africa was an attempt to popularize and further develop this scheme.

In addition, the USLP cadre speculated that their hero might have a glamorous connection to the Bureau of State Security, to which the party aspired to sell its intelligence services. Noting that Rupert's business empire operates in 140 countries, David Cherry asked "whether Rupert is in so many countries to sell tobacco or to operate intelligence/influence channels."

Although not a political figure like Diederichs or Muller, Rupert's entire career has been closely linked to the Broederbond. He began his Rembrandt tobacco company with the help of the Volkskas, the Bond's bank, which in the early days allowed Rembrandt overdrafts of over one million pounds. In the 1950s, board chairmen of Rembrandt included Diederichs and also Ivan Lombard, former general secretary of the Bond; while a Rembrandt executive during that period, Dr. Piet Meyer, became chairman of the Bond in the 1960s.

Thus, with the true nature of the Pretoria humanists uncovered, it becomes possible to understand the bizarre documents which the USLP concocted to appeal to them. These documents, with their hysterical attacks on the British, on the late General Smuts, and on the Oppenheimer mining interests, are nothing but the traditional Broederbond quasi-Nazi line, with a few special LaRouchian twists. Of course, the hoped-for alliance never materialized (see Our Town, Nov. 4), but the LaRouche group wasn't completely crazy for trying. The Broederbond and the USLP have in some respects a very similar theory of rule by an elite. The USLP calls itself a "Platonic elite" and in fact Bond leaders in the past have used similar language. For instance, in a parliamentary debate at the end of World War Two, a Bond spokesman compared his group to Plato's "Guardians of the State."

For the benefit of LaRouche's misguided Black and Jewish allies, we present a summary of the historical analysis prepared by the USLP to glorify the Pretoria humanists: Since the 19th century, South African history has been determined by the struggle between the humanists (the Boers and their German allies) and the monetarist looters (the British, fronting for the Jewish bankers). The great tragedy in South Africa's development was when the Germans lost out to the British in the 1890s for economic control of South Africa--because the Germans would have brought in more white settlers (with no nonsense about tribal rights) and would have industrialized the country thoroughly, whereas the "Brits" and their Jewish masters have only engaged in monetarist policies (i.e., usury).

The horrors of apartheid are not the moral responsibility of the Boers, the USLP says, since the latter were merely brainwashed and manipulated into their racist mentality by the Jewish bankers. These same Jews, such as Harry Oppenheimer, now talk of gradually disbanding apartheid but their schemes are in fact only a new maneuver for destroying both the Boers and the Blacks. They want to manipulate a race war today, just as they manipulated the Boers into World War II against the true friend of the Boers, Germany.

In the ongoing struggle--which one USLP document describes as being the most intense struggle between Jews and "humanists" anywhere in the world today--the USLP believes Anton Rupert has played a key role via his Rembrandt group's efforts to weaken the economic position of the Oppenheimers and other Jewish interests (and also to strengthen ties with the West Germans). He is also praised in one report for allegedly maintaining the ethnic (non-Jewish) purity of his boards of directors:

Rupert's boards are heavily, almost exclusively, Afrikaner, and people with connections to the City of London and Wall Street are entirely absent...the members of the boards are not involved in...fields known for their speculative content.

In addition, Rupert is hailed for his alleged understanding that apartheid cannot and should not be abolished at the present time. On this last point, the USLP summarizes approvingly what it believes to be the strategic thinking of Rupert’s humanist network:

The British may have used...the Africans against us as a political battering ram. But we will not submit. Even if many lives are lost because we are unable to eliminate apartheid on our terms, we will not submit. We must hold out until there is a correlation of forces in the world favorable to our humanist cause. If we dismantle apartheid before then, it means the Africans are just British pawns, and we humanists will be wiped out.

The above quote may or may not reflect the private opinions of Mr. Rupert (to the USLP he is as much a symbol as a real person), but it does reveal the essence of USLP politics: Translated from the LaRouchian code language it actually says that the abolition of apartheid must wait for the advent of "humanist" (neo-Nazi) revolutions to overthrow the power of the Jews in Europe and the United States. Only then can "civilization" move forward in South Africa.

Until this millennium, what kind of society does the USLP suggest to the Pretoria humanists? The picture we get is something quite similar to Nazi Germany: a nation tightly controlled by Boer industrialists and with Jewish business interests purged (the USLP calls it "bankrupting out the monetarist firms"), a nation which preserves the racial purity of its leadership, a nation which dominates its neighbors in alliance with the West Germans, a nation which bases itself on "parastatal" forms of industry similar to those in Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini's Italy.

The picture also includes (in spite of the USLP's public protestations against apartheid), a proposed expansion of the contract labor system so important to the apartheid regime. One of the reports calls, for instance, for "massive immigration of regional labor to SA for periods of education and improvement in basic industrial-agricultural skills." (Note the emphasis on temporary residence, not real immigration.)

Finally, the USLP proposals hint very strongly at the need for military conquest and the creation of puppet regimes in the Black African "front line" states. In the contract labor report, such a hint is contained in a suggestion for the creation of massive new industrial port facilities at Lourenco Marques, the capital of the People's Republic of Mozambique, not just as an investment but for geopolitical reasons. We quote:

The choice of Lourenco Marques must be understood for what it represents politically, both in forcing the labor power policy in the appropriate direction and in creating a geometry in which terrorist networks--particularly of the Soweto riots, People's African Congress, The World variety that operate out of Swaziland--can be mopped up, and not just as a cute racial gesture of detente. [Italics ours--ed.]

The implications should be clear (especially if one notes the location of Swaziland on a map). Mozambique, an anti-colonial state, would hardly agree to help crush the Black liberation groups operating from a neighboring Black country. Nor would it be likely to agree to "forcing" its own people in the "appropriate direction" of contract labor camps. Hence, the only way such a policy could be carried out is through a South African invasion of Mozambique.

Suddenly, all of the USLP maps showing mineral resources, railroads, and, future energy grids throughout the Southern African region begin to make sense. The entire bizarre Nazi fantasy stands revealed. The USLP has not just taken up the plans of Juergen Ponto and other German bankers for a German-South African economic domination of the region. It has also resurrected the Nazi theory of geopolitics which was the rationale for Hitler's invasion of Eastern Europe, and has applied that theory to Africans rather than Poles and Russians.

Zambia, Botswana, Angola, Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania: all would become South African satellite states under this scheme--a belt of nations economically dependent on, serving, and controlled by South Africa. Indeed, USLP's David Cherry carries the theory to a bizarre extreme: "In four or five years, raw totally unskilled and virtually illiterate labor [could] be expected to flow directly from the bush (from Zaire, etc.) to South Africa, in the hundreds and then in the thousands," eventually including "migrations involving whole tribes."

This would be contract labor for new factories (arms factories?) in the Johannesburg area. Forced redirection of labor power. Good for the Boers. But with one urgent problem: the Boers would have to learn how to "squeeze skilled and semiskilled industrial labor for industrial expansion out of the apartheid grid rather rapidly...."

Yet if the USLP theorists in their offices in New York City dream of a humanist Fourth Reich in South Africa (to parallel a LaRouche humanist presidency in the U.S.), one should be fair to the present rulers of South Africa and admit that the latter are somewhat less fascistic than their would-be mentors.

"I attended the U.S. Labor Party conference in Washington," said a white South African who supports the Afrikaner regime. "I think they're a bunch of dangerous crackpots--besides, their maps were all wrong."

SIDEBAR: The USLP and John McGoff

Our Town has investigated the allegation of USLP defectors that the party had formed a close link in 1977-78 with ultraconservative Michigan publisher John P. McGoff, a major figure in South Africa's "Mulder scandal."

According to the South African opposition press and former South African Information Secretary Eschel Rhoody, McGoff was provided with $11.5 million in 1974 from the South African government's "secret fund" in order to buy the Washington Star and other U.S. media outlets and transform them into pro-South Africa propaganda organs.

These charges are currently under investigation here in the U.S. by the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Justice Department's Foreign Agents Registration Unit, and a Federal grand jury. McGoff denies the charges, but has refused to turn his financial records over to the SEC investigators.

McGoff is a personal friend and business associate of former South African Information Minister Connie Mulder, the central figure in the influence-buying scandal. McGoff is also one of the most outspoken friends of South Africa in this country, although critical of its apartheid policies.

Our Town has been unable so far to reach McGoff to ask him directly about the USLP connection. However, researcher Kalev Pehme did succeed in getting some answers from Jim Whelan, a McGoff spokesman and vice president for editorial services of McGoff's Panax Corporation, a chain of about 30 U.S. newspapers.

Whelan recalled that when he first came to work at Panax in 1977, the USLP "bombarded" him with phone calls and literature. He said they would use McGoff's name to get through to him. While still new on the job, he would carefully check back with McGoff and then humor the USLP callers. But as he became more confident in his position, he decided to stop answering their calls, figuring they were just "bluster."

How did the USLP succeed in getting in with Panax, even temporarily? Whelan recalled they were "very seductive" and that for a brief period in 1977 the USLP had an "allure" for conservatives in general. He also said the USLP "may have been given" a contribution by McGoff during this period as a result of sheer persistence.

Whelan added that the USLP tried calling other Panax executives--unsuccessfully--after he stopped answering their calls, and that there is currently no communication between Panax and the USLP.

Is this the whole story? Our Town has obtained a draft copy of one portion of a report prepared by the USLP security staff in early 1978 regarding the National News Council, the "ethics committee" of the newspaper industry. USLP defectors say they were told by party leaders that the report had been prepared for Panax and that the USLP had been paid in advance at least $1,000, with several thousand dollars more due on completion.

Such a report could have been of interest to Panax. Several months previously, the publishing chain had been involved in an altercation with the NNC over McGoff's firing of two editors in Michigan who refused to print an allegedly scurrilous article about sex in the Carter White House. The NNC had passed a resolution critical of the firings, and Panax had taken a full-page ad in Editor and Publisher to answer the NNC.

The portion of the USLP report in Our Town's possession includes an interview with NNC aide Charles Alexander (we verified with Alexander that the interview was authentic) and biographical data on NNC members. It asserts that the decision in the McGoff case was part of a pattern of NNC decisions "aimed at undermining opponents of the British system." (In USLP semantics, "British" frequently means "Jewish.")

Whelan admitted that Panax had received the report, but claimed the company had never solicited, ordered or requested it. He denied that any money had been paid out and termed the allegation "garbage." In his recollection, the NNC report was only one of many unsolicited documents the USLP had thrust upon Panax.

Whelan recalled the NNC report as "long on rhetoric and of no particular value to us." Panax is not interested, he said, in getting involved in a "war of personalities" with the NNC.