DA Letter

June 10, 1993

Manhattan District Attorney
Racquets Unit
Attention:  ADA Conroy


I, Kellie Gasink, am writing to inform you that I worked on the Lenora B. Fulani for President Campaign '92 as a volunteer.  I worked with Lenora Fulani from 1988 through 1992 and I worked on the recent campaign in 1991 through Nov. 1992.  From what I observed, the campaign was conducted in a fraudulent manner and I have reason to believe that Fulani's campaign manager, Fred Newman, embezzled money from the campaign.

Fred Newman controls an underground organization called the International Worker's Party (IWP), consisting of approximately 300 people.  The IWP is a classical Marxist-Leninist organization that shares with other Marxist organizations the strategy of smashing the bourgeois state.  Potential members are asked to join this conspiracy.  The IWP is cadre organization (a military organization) and it is a cult.  The commander-in-chief is Fred Newman.  The members are sworn to loyalty and obedience to Newman.  The IWP is divided into cells of five to eight people that meet once every two weeks in public restaurants (public to avoid FBI detection).  IWP activities are never spoken of outside of these meetings and to do so would be a "breach of security."  Members receive secret orders from Newman that are destroyed by the cell leaders after transmission.  IWP dues are collected at that time.  The dues, after other Newman levies are collected, amount to 60% or more of a member's income.  The organization has fifteen semi­automatic assault rifles and pistols--that I know of.  About 20 current members are trained to use them.  Members are regularly intimidated into silence by Newman's "goon squads," which he calls "security."  This organization is communist and not terrorist.  There are former terrorists in the organization, however, they have long since renounced terrorism in lieu of Newman's strategy, which in part called for the building of popular mass organizations in the mainstream to build enough support in this country to make revolution.  This organization has internally been declining since 1989.

The underground has always had its own economy separate from Newman's public organizations.  Newman has private supporters of his communist work that contribute in the millions of dollars each year.  Newman also taxes his members whether they work for a Newman organization or not.  Up to 60% of a member's income is given back to Newman in cash, all of which goes into the underground.  Newman also takes money from his public organizations and puts it in the underground.  The underground does things such as buy firearms, give money to groups in other countries that are fighting oppressive governments; MJ.9, groups in Haiti, groups in Zaire and other countries in Africa, etc.  The IWP also purchased the tickets that Rev. Sharpton used when he rallied a group of people to take aver Liberty Island f or which Sharpton was subsequently arrested.

Newman was once affiliated with Lynden LaRouche and like LaRouche seems more interested in fraud and embezzlement than anything else.  Newman stole money from the Fulani campaign which had raised $4.3 million dollars.  I have examined a copy of the FEC documents that detail how this money was spent.  These FEC expenditure reports are fabricated and false.  By which I mean intentionally false.  The documents do not appear to contain any mistakes, but instead are a rather well crafted fabrication to cover over Newman's embezzlement.  The campaign expenditures can be divided into three categories:  payments to Newman organizations, payments to organizations & companies not controlled by Newman, and payments to individuals.

1.       Newman has a network of organizations that are under his exclusive control.  The Newman organizations that are listed as having received campaign money are:

Automated Business Services
Castillo Cultural Center
Castillo Communications
C.A.K.I M.
Community Literacy Research Project (CLRP) (501-C3)
Fred Newman Productions
National Alliance Newspaper
New Alliance Productions
Newman & Braun
Ilene Advertising
International People's Law Institution (IPLI)
Rainbow Lobby

Although Newman is not the listed director of all these entities, he controls their bank accounts and directs their functions.  Most of these organizations exist only on paper as bank accounts and legal fictions, e.g., these organizations currently occupy only two offices:  200 W. 72nd Street, room 302, NYC and 500 Greenwich St., 2nd Floor, NYC.  According to FEC documents, these businesses were paid nearly $1 million dollars by the Fulani campaign, however they delivered almost no goods and services to the campaign and Newman later took this money.  In many cases the expenses that were billed to the campaign from Newman organizations were double billed or were fabricated (e.g., Castillo Communications handled all the media relations and media ads f or the campaign.  Castillo Communications has three employees, only one of which is on salary.  The person who is on salary is a fundraiser and although she was paid $300 a week during the campaign, she canvassed in the evening to raise $300 a week to support this salary.  Castillo Communications is run out of a larger complex of Newman's organizations and consists of two phones and a fax machine that people used to send press releases to the media, speak with the media and compile a book of the articles written about the campaign.  The phone bill and fax bill were billed separately to the campaign.  Approximately $25,000 was sent in purchasing print and radio ads for the campaign, which was also bought separately by the campaign.  The amount billed by Castillo Communications for services was inflated.  This was a business that had no salaries and no overhead expenses and the money paid to it by the campaign went directly to Newman.

Another example is the International People's Law Institution, which is a law firm directed by Attorney Alvaader Frazier; however, controlled by Fred Newman.  Ms. Frazier cannot practice law in New York State where the firm is located and her law license was suspended in California.  Although this "law firm" has no office or phone listing, it was paid approximately $200,000 by the campaign.  None of the IPLI attorneys received money paid to IPLI by the Fulani campaign.  The two lawyers from this firm who actually did work for the campaign, Gary Sinawski and Art Block, billed individually for their services, alga Simon billed individually for legal research.  The IPLI as such did no work for the campaign and this billing was used for Newman to take money from the campaign.  Attorney Michael Hardy, a partner who left this firm in 1992 believing Newman was embezzling money with Frazier's help, never received any money from IPLI.  The other attorney at IPLI is Harry Kresky who did not do work for the campaign and did not receive any money from the campaign.  Frazier is willing to help Newman embezzle money because she is retired and is not practicing law and she receives four thousand dollars a month f or the cover she provides.

Fran Miller is a non-practicing attorney who was the campaign treasurer and compliance officer who wrote and falsified the FEC reports.

The organizations C.A.K.I.M., MUSICRUISE, Rainbow Lobby, and Newman & Braun all closed down after receiving campaign money.  They provided no goods or services to the campaign.  Ilene Advertising received a ton of money for designing the campaign brochure and fliers, and at Newman's instruction, kicked this money back to the CLRP.  The CLRP is a not-for-profit organization that exists only on paper, and is an account controlled by Newman.  It is directed by one of Newman's five wives, Gabrielle Kurlander.  Automated Business Services, Castillo Cultural Center and New Alliance Productions did not do any work for the campaign.  Fred Newman Productions is simply a Fred Newman bank account.  Fred Newman Productions was paid $70,000 for consulting, presumably this was his salary.  The National Alliance Newspaper exists but is separate from the campaign, is given away free to the public and the amount charged by the Newspaper to the campaign was more than the cost to produce the Newspaper for two years.  The Newspaper was only delivered to and used by the campaign during the New Hampshire Primary.  Thus, the campaign only received one week's edition.  A lot of the money given to these Newman organizations was then taken out of their accounts by Newman using a very sophisticated technique to falsify the books.

2.       Another way in which Newman took money from the campaign was through phony salaries and reimbursements.  The salaries that are listed are primarily to IWP members or conspirators in a sense.  These salaries are highly suspect for two reasons.  First, only full time campaign workers were really paid.  Because they are Newman cultists, 60% of this money was handed directly back to Newman in cash in IWP meetings.  Salaries are intentionally inflated and Newman would order the money to be given back to him.  In 1991, the salary for a Newman cultist was $250 a week or less before Newman's taxes.  In 1992, the average salary allowed was increased to $275 a week.  However, some campaign workers are listed as receiving $500 a week or so and they would give this back to Newman in cash.  Second, Newman cultists who did volunteer work for the campaign were listed as having received money and reimbursements that they never received.  During the campaign, myself and other IWP members were asked to collect receipts and bills and turn them over to Fran Miller (non-campaign related bills and receipts).  I refused to turn over any receipts.  Two weeks ago, I looked at a complete version of the FEC records filed f or the campaign and I saw my name listed as having been paid $500 for "clerical services" which I never did and f or which I was never paid and about which I know nothing.  I also saw phony reimbursements.  E.G., I was helping run the national telemarketing operation and Shelley Karliner, the manager of this operation, is listed as having been reimbursed f or telemarketing dinners on three occasions for $2,000.  There never were any telemarketing dinners! I am listing isolated examples, but all the payments to IWP look fraudulent except the full time campaign staff.

Newman had been "hinting" to myself and other IWP members that he wasn't spending more than a million dollars for the campaign; however, I was only able to confirm this when I looked at the complete FEC records.  Newman was not letting people know in the IWP how he was diverting the campaign money.  Many IWP members, like myself, were expelled for questioning Newman's graft.  So far the people who I have spoken to (mostly former IWP members) who were listed as having received money have said they never received any money from the campaign.  Here are some examples:

Kellie Gasink                   $500
William Pleasant              $450
Willie Harris                    $450
Valeh Abbasi                  $450
Doris Kelly                      $1,275
BJ Lee                            $1015
Wilton Duckworth           $1,000

Another former IWP member, who wishes to remain anonymous, has said that there were checks written for each of these alleged payments and that Fran Miller was able to cash these checks at Amalgamated Bank where the campaign and other Newman organizations conduct business.  Apparently these checks were endorsed with forged signatures and cashed with check cashing cards made out to these fictitious employees also using forged signatures.

3.       All cult members were ordered to contribute at least $250 to the campaign.  We were specifically asked to pay our IWP dues (at the secret bi-weekly meetings) in contributions to the campaign.  We were also asked to make contributions to CLRP and not told why.  The contributions from cult members are all on the same days and there is a tremendous amount of kickbacks being given to the CLRP.  I ask you to look into this because of the tremendous amount of intimidation used to get cadre (Newman's soldiers) to give money.  Newman also gave people cash at times and asked them to contribute it back the campaign as checks or money orders.  Newman figures if 300 people give the matchable limit ($250 in a presidential campaign) than his money of $75,000 is doubled to $150,000 fairly easily.

4.       So as to be clear to people not familiar with this conspiracy, every person who is in the IWP knows every other member in the organization.  IWP members live with other IWP members.  IWP members meet periodically.  There is a conference every two years in which all the members gather.  Lenora Fulani is a member, although as far as I know she had no direct contact with the finances of her campaign.  Fulani might not have known how much money was being taken from her campaign, but that is simply because she would have refused to allow herself to know.  There is process by which people are told to know only what they "need to know" to follow orders.  Because in the minds of conspirators knowing too much is dangerous, if Fulani were told by Newman that she did not "need to know" how her campaign money was being spent--Fulani would simply not allow herself to know and she would ask no questions.  So there is no misunderstandings, Rev. Sharpton is not, nor has he ever been, in the IWP.  IWP members are communists and Sharpton is a nationalist.  Sharpton's objectives are quite different from Newman's.  Newman always supported Sharpton and Sharpton never wanted to get involved with IWP.  Newman gave Sharpton a lot of money--Sharpton's car was bought by Newman and is registered in Newman's name, Sharpton's house in N.J. was financed by Newman, and Sharpton receives $12,000 a year from Newman although Sharpton does not work for this money.  Sharpton has taken Newman's support and has for the most part stayed away from Newman and Fulani.

Newman does not carry a gun, but has guards around him that do, e.g., Jeff Aaron and John Fraire.  Fran Miller carries a gun and she is an excellent shot.  All of these people do regular weapons training.  Jini Berman and Ed Costa supposedly have some of these guns registered in their names.  I have never seen any gun registrations and some of the guns cannot be registered.

Since all of this appears to violate federal and state laws I ask that you investigate these matters fully.

Thank you,

Kellie Gasink

(Witnessed by Sharon I. Braunstein,
Notary Public, Sate of New York, No.41-0006908)

Click HERE to visit the giant 'ex-iwp.org' archive on the history of the Newman cult.