June
10, 1993
Manhattan
District Attorney
Racquets Unit
Attention: ADA Conroy
Gentlemen:
I,
Kellie Gasink, am writing to inform you that I worked on the
Lenora B. Fulani for President Campaign '92 as a volunteer. I
worked with Lenora Fulani from 1988 through 1992 and I worked
on the recent campaign in 1991 through Nov. 1992. From
what I observed, the campaign was conducted in a fraudulent
manner and I have reason to believe that Fulani's campaign
manager, Fred Newman, embezzled money from the campaign.
Fred
Newman controls an underground organization called the International
Worker's Party (IWP), consisting of approximately 300 people. The
IWP is a classical Marxist-Leninist organization that shares
with other Marxist organizations the strategy of smashing the
bourgeois state. Potential members are asked to join
this conspiracy. The IWP is cadre organization (a military
organization) and it is a cult. The commander-in-chief
is Fred Newman. The members are sworn to loyalty and
obedience to Newman. The IWP is divided into cells of
five to eight people that meet once every two weeks in public
restaurants (public to avoid FBI detection). IWP activities
are never spoken of outside of these meetings and to do so
would be a "breach of security." Members receive secret
orders from Newman that are destroyed by the cell leaders after
transmission. IWP dues are collected at that time. The
dues, after other Newman levies are collected, amount to 60%
or more of a member's income. The organization has fifteen
semiautomatic assault rifles and pistols--that I know
of. About 20 current members are trained to use them. Members
are regularly intimidated into silence by Newman's "goon squads," which
he calls "security." This organization is communist and
not terrorist. There are former terrorists in the organization,
however, they have long since renounced terrorism in lieu of
Newman's strategy, which in part called for the building of
popular mass organizations in the mainstream to build enough
support in this country to make revolution. This organization
has internally been declining since 1989.
The
underground has always had its own economy separate from Newman's
public organizations. Newman has private supporters of
his communist work that contribute in the millions of dollars
each year. Newman also taxes his members whether they
work for a Newman organization or not. Up to 60% of a
member's income is given back to Newman in cash, all of which
goes into the underground. Newman also takes money from
his public organizations and puts it in the underground. The
underground does things such as buy firearms, give money to
groups in other countries that are fighting oppressive governments;
MJ.9, groups in Haiti, groups in Zaire and other countries
in Africa, etc. The IWP also purchased the tickets that
Rev. Sharpton used when he rallied a group of people to take
aver Liberty Island f or which Sharpton was subsequently arrested.
Newman
was once affiliated with Lynden LaRouche and like LaRouche
seems more interested in fraud and embezzlement than anything
else. Newman stole money from the Fulani campaign which
had raised $4.3 million dollars. I have examined a copy
of the FEC documents that detail how this money was spent. These
FEC expenditure reports are fabricated and false. By
which I mean intentionally false. The documents do not
appear to contain any mistakes, but instead are a rather well
crafted fabrication to cover over Newman's embezzlement. The
campaign expenditures can be divided into three categories: payments
to Newman organizations, payments to organizations & companies
not controlled by Newman, and payments to individuals.
1. Newman
has a network of organizations that are under his exclusive
control. The Newman organizations that are listed as
having received campaign money are:
Automated
Business Services
Castillo Cultural Center
Castillo Communications
C.A.K.I M.
Community Literacy Research Project (CLRP) (501-C3)
Fred Newman Productions
MusiCruise
National Alliance Newspaper
New Alliance Productions
Newman & Braun
Ilene Advertising
International People's Law Institution (IPLI)
Rainbow Lobby
Although
Newman is not the listed director of all these entities, he
controls their bank accounts and directs their functions. Most
of these organizations exist only on paper as bank accounts
and legal fictions, e.g., these organizations currently
occupy only two offices: 200 W. 72nd Street, room 302,
NYC and 500 Greenwich St., 2nd Floor, NYC. According
to FEC documents, these businesses were paid nearly $1 million
dollars by the Fulani campaign, however they delivered almost
no goods and services to the campaign and Newman later took
this money. In many cases the expenses that were billed
to the campaign from Newman organizations were double billed
or were fabricated (e.g., Castillo Communications handled
all the media relations and media ads f or the campaign. Castillo
Communications has three employees, only one of which is on
salary. The person who is on salary is a fundraiser and
although she was paid $300 a week during the campaign, she
canvassed in the evening to raise $300 a week to support this
salary. Castillo Communications is run out of a larger
complex of Newman's organizations and consists of two phones
and a fax machine that people used to send press releases to
the media, speak with the media and compile a book of the articles
written about the campaign. The phone bill and fax bill
were billed separately to the campaign. Approximately
$25,000 was sent in purchasing print and radio ads for the
campaign, which was also bought separately by the campaign. The
amount billed by Castillo Communications for services was inflated. This
was a business that had no salaries and no overhead expenses
and the money paid to it by the campaign went directly to Newman.
Another
example is the International People's Law Institution, which
is a law firm directed by Attorney Alvaader Frazier; however,
controlled by Fred Newman. Ms. Frazier cannot practice
law in New York State where the firm is located and her law
license was suspended in California. Although this "law
firm" has no office or phone listing, it was paid approximately
$200,000 by the campaign. None of the IPLI attorneys
received money paid to IPLI by the Fulani campaign. The
two lawyers from this firm who actually did work for the campaign,
Gary Sinawski and Art Block, billed individually for their
services, alga Simon billed individually for legal research. The
IPLI as such did no work for the campaign and this billing
was used for Newman to take money from the campaign. Attorney
Michael Hardy, a partner who left this firm in 1992 believing
Newman was embezzling money with Frazier's help, never received
any money from IPLI. The other attorney at IPLI is Harry
Kresky who did not do work for the campaign and did not receive
any money from the campaign. Frazier is willing to help
Newman embezzle money because she is retired and is not practicing
law and she receives four thousand dollars a month f or the
cover she provides.
Fran
Miller is a non-practicing attorney who was the campaign treasurer
and compliance officer who wrote and falsified the FEC reports.
The
organizations C.A.K.I.M., MUSICRUISE, Rainbow Lobby, and Newman & Braun
all closed down after receiving campaign money. They
provided no goods or services to the campaign. Ilene
Advertising received a ton of money for designing the campaign
brochure and fliers, and at Newman's instruction, kicked this
money back to the CLRP. The CLRP is a not-for-profit
organization that exists only on paper, and is an account controlled
by Newman. It is directed by one of Newman's five wives,
Gabrielle Kurlander. Automated Business Services, Castillo
Cultural Center and New Alliance Productions did not do any
work for the campaign. Fred Newman Productions is simply
a Fred Newman bank account. Fred Newman Productions was
paid $70,000 for consulting, presumably this was his salary. The
National Alliance Newspaper exists but is separate from the
campaign, is given away free to the public and the amount charged
by the Newspaper to the campaign was more than the cost to
produce the Newspaper for two years. The Newspaper was
only delivered to and used by the campaign during the New Hampshire
Primary. Thus, the campaign only received one week's
edition. A lot of the money given to these Newman organizations
was then taken out of their accounts by Newman using a very
sophisticated technique to falsify the books.
2. Another
way in which Newman took money from the campaign was through
phony salaries and reimbursements. The salaries that
are listed are primarily to IWP members or conspirators in
a sense. These salaries are highly suspect for two reasons. First,
only full time campaign workers were really paid. Because
they are Newman cultists, 60% of this money was handed directly
back to Newman in cash in IWP meetings. Salaries are
intentionally inflated and Newman would order the money to
be given back to him. In 1991, the salary for a Newman
cultist was $250 a week or less before Newman's taxes. In
1992, the average salary allowed was increased to $275 a week. However,
some campaign workers are listed as receiving $500 a week or
so and they would give this back to Newman in cash. Second,
Newman cultists who did volunteer work for the campaign were
listed as having received money and reimbursements that they
never received. During the campaign, myself and other
IWP members were asked to collect receipts and bills and turn
them over to Fran Miller (non-campaign related bills and receipts). I
refused to turn over any receipts. Two weeks ago, I looked
at a complete version of the FEC records filed f or the campaign
and I saw my name listed as having been paid $500 for "clerical
services" which I never did and f or which I was never paid
and about which I know nothing. I also saw phony reimbursements. E.G.,
I was helping run the national telemarketing operation and
Shelley Karliner, the manager of this operation, is listed
as having been reimbursed f or telemarketing dinners on three
occasions for $2,000. There never were any telemarketing
dinners! I am listing isolated examples, but all the payments
to IWP look fraudulent except the full time campaign staff.
Newman
had been "hinting" to myself and other IWP members that he
wasn't spending more than a million dollars for the campaign;
however, I was only able to confirm this when I looked at the
complete FEC records. Newman was not letting people know
in the IWP how he was diverting the campaign money. Many
IWP members, like myself, were expelled for questioning Newman's
graft. So far the people who I have spoken to (mostly
former IWP members) who were listed as having received money
have said they never received any money from the campaign. Here
are some examples:
Kellie
Gasink $500
William Pleasant $450
Willie Harris $450
Valeh Abbasi $450
Doris Kelly $1,275
BJ Lee $1015
Wilton Duckworth $1,000
Another
former IWP member, who wishes to remain anonymous, has said
that there were checks written for each of these alleged payments
and that Fran Miller was able to cash these checks at Amalgamated
Bank where the campaign and other Newman organizations conduct
business. Apparently these checks were endorsed with
forged signatures and cashed with check cashing cards made
out to these fictitious employees also using forged signatures.
3. All
cult members were ordered to contribute at least $250 to the
campaign. We were specifically asked to pay our IWP dues
(at the secret bi-weekly meetings) in contributions to the
campaign. We were also asked to make contributions to
CLRP and not told why. The contributions from cult members
are all on the same days and there is a tremendous amount of
kickbacks being given to the CLRP. I ask you to look
into this because of the tremendous amount of intimidation
used to get cadre (Newman's soldiers) to give money. Newman
also gave people cash at times and asked them to contribute
it back the campaign as checks or money orders. Newman
figures if 300 people give the matchable limit ($250 in a presidential
campaign) than his money of $75,000 is doubled to $150,000
fairly easily.
4. So
as to be clear to people not familiar with this conspiracy,
every person who is in the IWP knows every other member in
the organization. IWP members live with other IWP members. IWP
members meet periodically. There is a conference every
two years in which all the members gather. Lenora Fulani
is a member, although as far as I know she had no direct contact
with the finances of her campaign. Fulani might not have
known how much money was being taken from her campaign, but
that is simply because she would have refused to allow herself
to know. There is process by which people are told to
know only what they "need to know" to follow orders. Because
in the minds of conspirators knowing too much is dangerous,
if Fulani were told by Newman that she did not "need to know" how
her campaign money was being spent--Fulani would simply not
allow herself to know and she would ask no questions. So
there is no misunderstandings, Rev. Sharpton is not, nor has
he ever been, in the IWP. IWP members are communists
and Sharpton is a nationalist. Sharpton's objectives
are quite different from Newman's. Newman always supported
Sharpton and Sharpton never wanted to get involved with IWP. Newman
gave Sharpton a lot of money--Sharpton's car was bought by
Newman and is registered in Newman's name, Sharpton's house
in N.J. was financed by Newman, and Sharpton receives $12,000
a year from Newman although Sharpton does not work for this
money. Sharpton has taken Newman's support and has for
the most part stayed away from Newman and Fulani.
Newman
does not carry a gun, but has guards around him that do, e.g.,
Jeff Aaron and John Fraire. Fran Miller carries a gun
and she is an excellent shot. All of these people do
regular weapons training. Jini Berman and Ed Costa supposedly
have some of these guns registered in their names. I
have never seen any gun registrations and some of the guns
cannot be registered.
Since
all of this appears to violate federal and state laws I ask
that you investigate these matters fully.
Thank
you,
Kellie Gasink
(Witnessed by Sharon I. Braunstein,
Notary Public, Sate of New York, No.41-0006908) |
