Seventh of a series


The neo-Nazi National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC) has gone into the private intelligence and security business, offering its alleged expertise in combating terrorism to a wide variety of national security and law enforcement agencies as well as multinational corporations.

The existence of this NCLC sideline--essentially an attempt to turn a profit while promoting fuehrer Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche, Jr.'s political goals--is revealed in confidential documents of the group's Security Division.

For instance: a special report prepared in Aug. 1977 for circulation to members of the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP). Entitled "Urban Terrorism in the Advanced Countries," the document attempts to promote the U.S. Labor Party (public name of NCLC) as a responsible source of advice and information for the law enforcement community.

Included is a catalog of USLP-prepared intelligence reports selling for as much as $25 each, on a variety of political organizations alleged to be involved in terrorism. Among these groups are legitimate targets of police scrutiny such as the Japanese Red Army and Black September. But the catalog also describes reports on non-terrorist leftist groups (such as the October League), liberal think tanks (such as the Institute for Policy Studies), the environmentalist movement, the Carter administration, punk rock musicians, and conservative journalist William F. Buckley.

As one former member of NCLC commented, "Antiterrorist intelligence gathering is used as an excuse for snooping and informing on anybody who happens to disagree with the politics of Lyndon LaRouche."

According to the catalog, the USLP also offers "Special Investigative Services" based on "extensive files of raw and semi-finished material built up over a nine-year period." The catalog promises that "all work contracted to the Investigative Service will be done by USLP personnel who have a minimum of four years of concentrated experience in the security-counterintelligence field."

According to our sources, members of the USLP security staff are expected to meet sales quotas for intelligence reports and other party literature by incessantly calling up police officials and security-minded corporate officials throughout the country. Included in these efforts, when appropriate, is a pitch for the Special Investigative Services.

Our sources say that special investigations are "handled only by the top people in Security and are kept secret from the rest of the organization." Thus, these sources were only able to name one private client, a corporation closely linked to the South African government.

According to Greg Rose (a former NCLC leader) in a recent article in National Review, the Security staff once prepared a quasi-intelligence report for the Iraqi government concerning the National Renaissance Party, a small neo-Nazi sect which the Iraqis were reportedly thinking of subsidizing. Our Town's sources claim the Security staff also did jobs for French and Iranian intelligence agencies.

As to clients in the law enforcement community, our sources say that sales of published NCLC reports (especially, the anti-Semitic book Dope, Inc.) to police officials around the country have been "substantial." In addition, we verified that NCLC representatives have met on occasion with various local police intelligence units (police sources say these meetings are more useful in keeping track of NCLC itself than in gaining information about terrorists).

According to Robert Angrisani, administrative assistant to the director of IACP, the 12,000 member organization "receives newsletters from the USLP from time to time." However, he said that IACP had never recommended USLP literature or consulting services to its membership.

Yet USLP security chief Jeff Steinberg did attend the IACP convention in New York City in Oct. 1978 as a reporter for the New Solidarity International Press Service (NSIPS), a USLP front organization. According to New Solidarity (the biweekly USLP newspaper), Steinberg circulated several hundred copies of a "National Strategy for Crime Control," written especially for the convention by LaRouche. Steinberg also attended the convention's "terrorism workshop," where he reportedly raised the ire of at least one panelist by making allegations about Israeli control of terrorism in Western Europe.

Police officials are wary of USLP, in spite of its freshly minted law and order rhetoric, because of its history of violence. But even more important in limiting the appeal of its intelligence reports is the low value of the data.

According to former NCLC members, the group's vaunted "counterintelligence" work is chiefly composed of library research, reading and clipping an enormous number of periodicals in more than a dozen languages, and making hundreds of "undercover phone calls" per day on the group's WATS line.

A brochure describing the USLP security services dated July 15, 1978, and signed by LaRouche, states that the USLP "maintains no body of persons assigned to continuing undercover surveillance operations" and that it is restricted to "supplying profile information to security services which do maintain undercover sources."

Defectors whom NCLC say that it is almost impossible for the cult to conduct long-term undercover operations. "Anybody who went undercover would be leaving the 'controlled environment,'" observed one source. "LaRouche is rightly afraid he would lose his hold on them."

But the NCLC's telephone tactics are conducted with considerable interrogatory skill and often succeed in eliciting valuable information. For instance, several weeks ago the publisher of Our Town, Ed Kayatt, was called by a member of the NCLC security staff posing as Katherine Darrow, associate counsel for the New York Times (in fact, Ms. Darrow was on vacation in Canada), to discuss pending libel suits by the NCLC against both the Times and Our Town. "She was very convincing," said Mr. Kayatt.

NCLC also obtains valuable intelligence data via debriefings of cult recruits who previously belonged to rival extremist groups. For instance, a Security Division Field Report of July 25, 1977 states: "In Hartford, we have a new member, Roger McCafferty, who in the late 60s and early 70s was around the Black Panther Support Committee, the Venceremos Brigade, H. Bruce Franklin, etc. Joe McD will be getting him to write up much of his experiences." [Editor: The Venceremos Brigade, led by Mr. Franklin, was a leftist group in California in the early 1970s, now defunct.]

The report goes on to claim that "Roger was rather knowledgeable of Franklin's activities. Roger is currently organizing full-time in [our] local. Joe McD will be maintaining contact with me to keep us informed of Roger's activities, his knowledge of these situations, and evaluating whether it might be worthwhile or necessary to get him down here [to New York]."

Readers should note carefully the wording of the above passage. Not only is Joe expected to induce Roger to inform on Bruce Franklin, but also (in true Orwellian fashion) Joe is expected to serve as an informer on Roger himself for the New York security staff!

Another source of intelligence is NCLC loyalists with jobs in the outside world. Although the cult does not have a policy of "planting" its members in sensitive jobs, it occasionally is able to benefit from fortuitous circumstances:

  • Until only a few months ago, a member of the NCLC who is also the wife of a high level security staffer, was employed as the personal assistant to William Bundy, director of the prestigious Council on Foreign Relations, and was thus able to provide NCLC with timely information regarding policy decisions of the CFR (which has long been one of the favorite hate targets of NCLC and other rightwing fringe groups).

  • In 1973-74, a physician in NCLC was employed at Lincoln Hospital in the Bronx, and was able to use his position to gather information about links between the Lincoln Detox program (a now-defunct drug rehabilitation outfit) and Black and Puerto Rican nationalist groups. According to a former official of the program, "Some of NCLC's information on the early period of Lincoln Detox's history was very accurate. I've often wondered how they got it."

    NCLC is also capable of "short-term undercover investigations," although our sources say these operations are few and far between. The most successful one was probably the infiltration of a USLP member, posing as a freelance reporter, into the June 10-11, 1978 national convention of PROD, a dissident reform group within the Teamsters Union. The result was a 32-page "Special Report for the Teamster Leadership," including interviews with PROD spokesmen on delicate questions of tactics, an analysis of the convention registration lists, a report of the proceedings, and a projection of PROD's plans for the upcoming year.

    In addition, the NCLC managed to get a member of its Latin American intelligence sector into Castro's Cuba for the Non-aligned Conference last month (even though the Cubans adhere to the international line of the communist press that NCLC is a "CIA front"). The NCLC operative, officially attending as a correspondent for NSIPS, even gained an interview with a high-ranking official of the new Sandinista government of Nicaragua.

    According to NCLC defectors, the group's first overtures to the law enforcement community came in early 1974, when the cult attempted to enlist support among Boston police officers against an alleged conspiracy by the federal Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) to take over local police departments.

    In mid 1976, shortly after LaRouche's "turn to the Right," NCLC made a flurry of phone calls to the FBI and the CIA, offering to give them information on alleged terrorist activity by the Institute of Policy Studies and other left-leaning groups. According to documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, FBI agents met with NCLC members on several occasions. The CIA, more cautious, advised the group to submit its information in writing.

    NCLC apparently achieved one concrete benefit from these contacts. In 1977, the FBI officially dropped its surveillance of NCLC, even though previous bureau reports had characterized the group as extremely dangerous and violent. (See Our Town, Sept. 23.)

    Over the past year, NCLC has championed the cause of former FBI and CIA officials forced to resign after the Nixon era. NCLC speaks of the "gutting" of the intelligence community and calls for the formation of a privately funded shadow-CIA based on collaboration between former intelligence officers and the USLP.

    In fact, NCLC is already collaborating with fringe elements of the former intelligence community: individuals such as Mitchell WerBell III, Gordon Novel, and Roy Frankhauser.

    According to our sources, however, the great dream of the NCLC security staff is to link up with James Jesus Angleton, former CIA counterintelligence chief and now the chairman of the privately funded Security and Intelligence Fund.

    Respected figures in the foreign policy establishment say that any serious link between Angleton, a strong supporter of Israel, and the anti-Semitic USLP would be highly unlikely. But the NCLC can't help trying. One of our dissident sources recalled how, during a recent crisis at the NCLC's national office, one of the security honchos shouted to an underling: "Quick! Go brief Angleton!"

    Our Town called Angleton who confirmed that he had received "more than one" call from the USLP "several months ago."

    "They told me their leader was being threatened with assassination, they wanted me to alert the authorities for them," Angleton said. "To tell the truth, I've never understood what they're all about."

    The most sinister feature of USLP's attempts to gain acceptance in law enforcement and national security circles is not the paranoid intelligence reports the group circulates. Rather, it is their attempts to organize frustrated cops and spooks around overtly fascist political programs, based on anti-Semitism and on an idolization of Frank Rizzo's police department in Philadelphia.

    Our Town obtained copies of two bound volumes of sample intelligence reports and New Solidarity reprints which NCLC has reportedly circulated among law enforcement officials in several cities. The lead reprint in one volume is LaRouche's "How to Analyze and Uproot International Terrorism" (described in Our Town, Sept. 2), in which LaRouche calls for the final solution against world Jewry.

    The code word "British" (for Jew) featured in this New Solidarity article is also used in literature explicitly aimed at law enforcement officials. For instance, in the July 15, 1978 statement by LaRouche describing USLP "security services," the NCLC fuehrer charges that "Terrorism is the wet edge of a covert psychological warfare operation run by agencies of the British monarchy and its allies against both nations and factional forces whose policies are considered a potential danger to the perceived interests of the British monarchy and its allies."

    But in NCLC's appeal to law officers, the "British" code word is supplemented by a second code word, "terrorism," which stands for any form of social protest left of center (liberal, socialist, or communist). This is made clear by NCLC's incessant equating of terrorism with a wide variety of peaceful protest movements, especially the environmental movement.

    As with the "British" code, there is a method in the mad semantics. The term "terrorism" enables NCLC to call for the use of "preventive force" and "surgical force" against legitimate protest movements, but without triggering outrage among potential NCLC supporters who are not yet ready for such extreme ideas.

    According to one former NCLC member, "they are actually calling for death squads as in Latin America. It's a fitting ideological complement to the counterterrorist training they receive at the 'Farm' in Powder Springs, Georgia."

    The call for preventive repression is based upon LaRouche's theory that terrorism is not the work of isolated groups but is controlled from the top down by international Jewish bankers and is linked to an entire social environment of Jewish-inspired social protest (which is itself part of the terrorist conspiracy, even when conducted peacefully). Thus terrorism can only be stopped, the NCLC leader argues, by striking at the high level controllers and uprooting the environment of social protest.

    We quote from the July 15, 1978 statement:

    If antiterrorist forces are limited by executive direction or policy to pursuing the perpetrators during and after the act, there is no probable defense against terrorism. A soft approach to terrorist control...or limiting action to seeking out the identified perpetrators of accomplished crimes leaves the nation essentially defenseless against a continuing wave of terrorism.

    Readers should note how the NCLC neatly sidesteps the Bill of Rights and other Constitutional guarantees: An individual does not, in their view, have to actually commit a crime before becoming an object of repressive action by the state. All he has to do is participate in a general climate of political dissent.

    This latter point is stated very precisely by LaRouche in his appeal for "surgically precise preventive action" to be directed against the "deployment capabilities and controllership of the overall operation of which terrorism is a part" (in other words, against all radicals, all dissenters... and all Jews).

    Furthermore, terrorism should be taken advantage of to justify a state of siege: "It is essential to launch a surgically precise action ... but also to use the terrorism as a justification for political penalties against the environmentalists."

    Finally, the purpose of state repression should not be (as under the rule of law) to see that justice is done--but rather to serve totalitarian goals. The "surgery," LaRouche teaches, is necessary in order to "give the population confidence in the government's ability to defeat the terrorists" and also to "produce the effect of a preventive action against further terrorist activities." In other words, LaRouche--the self-styled defender of conservative American values--would give the U.S. government unprecedented new powers: the power to glorify itself (i.e., give the people "confidence" in itself) at the expense of dissenters, and the power to punish people not for what they have done but for what they might do ("preventive action").

    As we go to press, a LaRouche campaign aide informs us that the NCLC leader has expanded his Presidential campaign plans for the upcoming months to include participation in the primaries in no less than ten states.

    SIDEBAR: Cult of Intelligence

    "The ferocity with which NCLC members pursue intelligence data is almost impossible for outsiders to comprehend," a former cult member told Our Town. "They are constantly profiling the opinions of bankers, police officials, diplomats, politicians, government bureaucrats...anyone they can reach, and often some pretty high up people. It's a constant active intelligence process seven days a week, and God knows where it all gets sent."

    The national office intelligence staff at 304 W. 58th St. in Manhattan is divided into sectors for various parts of the world. Each morning, the sector heads "deploy" their assistants based on instructions from the National Executive Committee (NEC), to make undercover phone calls, translate articles, search the files, etc.

    Redeployments are made throughout the day, based on consultation between the NEC and the sector heads, to produce the final product: the sector reports and the daily intelligence analysis and briefings based on these reports.

    The daily analysis is decided through vigorous debate at the NEC meeting held each evening, and the final briefing slugs are then written. The results are handed to the communications staff which telexes them to all regional offices and to the international co-thinker organizations, so that each member of the cult throughout the world can receive his copy when he reports for duty the next morning.

    This process is carried out like clockwork on most days, and the discipline of the national office sector workers and NEC members is guaranteed by the "high" they achieve. They live and work in a fantasy environment in which NCLC is a world government in the wings and the Thought of Lyndon LaRouche has a daily impact on the lives of millions.

    Each day's report for each given sector is made up of notes from dozens of phone calls and from a vast number of periodicals, as well as the reports that come in by Telex from each regional office and from overseas. After its use in producing the daily intelligence evaluation, all of this material is carefully cross-filed for future reference.

    Two years ago, the NCLC dreamed of putting all of its raw intelligence into computer data banks, but they lacked the manpower for such a vast undertaking. Yet even processed by hand--and even after subtracting the wildly inaccurate information frequently accepted at face value by spaced-out sector zombies--the files of the NCLC may very well be the largest single collection of privately owned political intelligence data in the United States.


    Eighth of a series


    Lyndon LaRouche’s United States Labor Party (USLP) waged a persistent campaign in 1977-78 to win friends and allies in the white minority government and ruling party of South Africa and in the pro-South Africa lobby in the United States. The effort included meetings with South African diplomats, a conference sponsored by a USLP front organization to encourage investment in South Africa, and the preparation of "intelligence reports" on anti-apartheid organizations.

    The persons targeted by the USLP included several who were involved during the same period in covert South African influence-buying and propaganda operations controlled by South Africa’s Bureau of State Security (BOSS) and financed by a $74 million slush fund conduited through the Department of Information. The existence of this secret fund was uncovered by opposition South African newspapers in 1978, resulting in the biggest political scandal in the republic’s history. It led to the resignation of Information Minister Connie Mulder (hence the name "Muldergate"), and other prominent officials, and to the government's Erasmus Commission report which is still making waves.

    South African diplomats in Washington and New York as well as spokesmen for the unofficial South Africa lobby spoke frankly to Our Town about the USLP's attempt to cozy up to them. They denied, however, that they had encouraged the USLP or given it money from the Mulder fund.

    According to Johan Adler, deputy consul general for information at the New York consulate, his office was contacted by David Cherry (a member of USLP's Africa intelligence sector) "in late 1977 or early 1978."

    "They wanted to be friendly," said Adler, "so one of my people went over to their headquarters on the West Side. They invited him into the inner sanctum and took him on a sort of a grand tour. He got the impression they were trying to sell him something."

    Adler also said the USLP wanted his office to subscribe to an "intelligence digest...It was quite expensive, and we didn’t buy it. I told my people to stay away from them, and there was no further contact.”

    A similar account was given by Karl Noffke, information counselor of the South African Embassy in Washington. He said that members of the Labor Party had made appointments with Embassy staffers on "five or six occasions."

    "Their main purpose seemed to be to reveal their philosophy," Noffke recalled. "They wanted to alert us about certain forces they think are bad for South Africa: the British, the Wall Street bankers, and so forth. They presented themselves as a conservative right-wing group, but seemed to have socialistic tendencies as well."

    Noffke added that Embassy personnel "listened with courtesy as we would with any group, but we didn't regard them as a significant political force."

    The USLP also approached the South Africans through unofficial channels. For instance: the public relations firm of Sydney S. Baron & Co., which is a registered agent for the South African government and which employs Les de Villiers, a former South African information official involved in the Mulder scandal, to manage the SA account.

    De Villiers told Our Town he was phoned "persistently" in "March or April of last year" by the USLP's Douglas DeGroot (like Cherry, a member of the Africa sector). De Villiers finally agreed to see DeGroot, but recalls that "our conversation was an unhappy one. He gave me this spiel about the U.S. and Israel conspiring against South Africa. He left me two tabloids which dealt with South Africa's problems in a singularly naive fashion--I threw them out."

    According to De Villiers, the USLP representative "never said 'you do this and we'll do that,' but his intent seemed to be that they would publicize the South African economy if South Africa would go along with their conspiracy theory. His wish was for cooperation between South Africa and his party. He tried to impress us with what his group is capable of doing."

    De Villiers says that he was "unimpressed" with the group and its political theories, and that he had recommended "noncooperation."

    According to an informed source close to the South African diplomatic community, the relationship between the USLP and the South African information apparatus may have been more complicated than the above officials are now willing to admit.

    "I was told that certain people at the Embassy and at the New York consulate were very much intrigued by the Labor Party and sent some of its literature to South Africa," our source said. "The relationship was broken off as a result of orders from South Africa, not as a decision here in the States."

    Several defectors from the USLP also expressed doubts about the official version. "If there wasn't any serious connection, then the party leadership was running a con on us," said one defector. "We were definitely told that certain reports had been prepared for the South African government. When the Mulder scandal surfaced, I was very surprised the U.S. Labor Party's name wasn't on the list."

    This source recalled in particular a report on British and American intelligence networks in Africa which allegedly was delivered to the South African consulate in New York in anticipation that it would be sent to Pretoria. Our Town has been unable to obtain a copy of this report, although it is cited in other USLP reports.

    Our Town did succeed in obtaining a second report, "The Conspiracy to Destroy the Republic of South Africa," which was written in the second half of 1977. It includes profiles of anti-apartheid groups in the U.S., which it describes as "front groups" for international Jewish bankers.

    A former member of the USLP intelligence staff recalled how the report was prepared: “Our people called these groups up, posing as freelance writers, and pumped them to find out who they were working with, what coalitions they belonged to, who else was in these coalitions, what their plans were."

    The USLP's single most aggressive effort to ingratiate itself with the South Africans was the staging of a Conference on the Industrial Development of Southern Africa in Washington D.C. on May 2, 1978. The event was ostensibly sponsored by the Fusion Energy Foundation, a front group which lists its address on IRS tax forms as 304 W. 58 St., also the address of the USLP. Its executive director is Dr. Morris Levitt, a member of the USLP national committee. USLP domination of the FEF conference was amply revealed by the makeup of the conference panels: of 13 speakers, five were party members including two members of the party's highest unit, the national executive committee.

    The basic thrust of the conference was fully in line with the top priorities of the South African government's propaganda efforts: to help the apartheid regime avoid economic and diplomatic isolation and to head off "disinvestment" campaigns in the United States. The USLP, holding its conference at a time of strong activity by anti-apartheid groups on college campuses around the country, marshaled its arguments in favor of new loans and new investments for South Africa by the U.S. and other allies.

    The publicity for the conference included typical examples of USLP's now-you-see-it-now-you-don't propaganda style. For instance, the conference brochure termed the apartheid system "hideous." But the letters of invitation merely called for "a positive outlook for eventual abolition of the inefficient and unproductive apartheid structure--an event which will only occur as part of the general expansion and uplifting of the entire South African population, black and white, to the level at which that nation can no longer exclude its black majority from equal participation in society." (Italics ours--ed.)

    The letter also stated that the conference would stress the importance of "preserving...South Africa's white population as the major contributors to regional development." And: "The central idea will involve the cooperation...between South Africa and the neighboring states...with South Africa itself serving as the leading center for regional capital formation." (Italics ours--ed.)

    The most notable expert at the conference was Dr. William van Rensburg, geology professor from the University of Texas, whose remarks are printed in the conference proceedings.

    Van Rensburg, a South African citizen, was described in the proceedings as a former Technical Director of the South African Minerals Bureau and as the senior author of South Africa's Strategic Minerals: Pieces on a Continental Chessboard.

    Van Rensburg told Our Town that his invitation to the FEF Conference had come "out of the blue" and that he didn't know anything about the USLP.

    But the USLP may have had a very good reason for inviting him. Van Rensburg's views are highly regarded by the Bureau of State Security for their propaganda value.

    According to a Dutch interview with former South African Information Secretary Eschel Rhoodie last August, the Van Rensburg book named above was "written for a symposium on South Africa organized by the Foreign Affairs Association in Germany with assistance of the public relations organization Hennenhoffer."

    The Foreign Affairs Association was a front organization for the South African Information Department and Hennenhoffer was in the employ of Rhoodie, according to the interview transcript. And Rhoodie used money from the secret fund to send copies of the resulting book to various universities in Western countries. The book has also been distributed at business seminars organized in the U.S. by the South African government.

    "Van Rensburg has never been aware of having written a book for a South African front organization," Rhoodie told the Dutch interviewer. Yet at the FEF Conference in Washington Van Rensburg closely adhered to the line of the South African government: The West needs a strong South Africa because of its strategic minerals and the importance of the Cape Route for oil tankers, therefore economic sanctions against South Africa are dangerous to the security of the Free World. As to the problem of apartheid, Van Rensburg told the conference: "While one may argue about the morality of the system of migrant workers on the South African is not always appreciated [that] the mines provide these workers with certain basic skills and offer them, in some instances, their first contact with western civilization."

    According to one former USLP member the "conference on South Africa was the most successful event of this type we ever held. We were trying to get across to the South African government the message that 'you need us.'"

    This source recalled "a fairly good turnout from the diplomatic community, although not many corporations. Several Black African nations sent observers, as did the Soviet Union and the French. The South African Embassy sent two observers."

    One hint that the South Africans appreciated such help is contained in the Aug. 11, 1978 issue of To the Point International, a major pro-apartheid news magazine with editorial offices in Johannesburg. A full-page article by managing editor Stephen Orpen pays tribute to USLP leader Lyndon LaRouche as an economic theoretician. The article begins with a quote from LaRouche, then describes him (with no hint of irony whatsoever) as the "first announced candidate for the 1980 U.S. Presidential elections and author of the 'International Development Bank Proposals,' on which outlines for the recent Bremen and Bonn economic summits in Europe were modeled." The article goes on to describe LaRouche's "access to the thinking and plans of trans-Atlantic policymakers at the highest level," which the article says "gives his observations...a certain authority....His semantics may be off-target but his message runs true...." The article then summarizes LaRouche's "message" as if it were a legitimate viewpoint on the world economy.

    Responsible economic journalists tell us that the statements regarding LaRouche's influence are totally false. Why then would a highly sophisticated news magazine create such a fable?

    The South African government may have the answer to this question. Last April, the Erasmus Commission verified that To the Point International had been one of the Department of Information's secret operations. In May, South African Foreign Minister Pik Botha revealed that the financing had been handled personally by Eschel Rhoodie and by General Hendrik van den Bergh, chief of BOSS during the period in question.


    Ninth of a series


    In order to build its National Anti-Drug Coalition, the ultra-rightist United States Labor Party (USLP) has approached Black organizations and Black political and religious leaders throughout the U.S., describing itself as an organization committed to fighting against the effects of racism in our nation's life.

    An Our Town investigation has revealed, however, that USLP leaders withheld from their Black contacts and friends any knowledge whatsoever of the party's efforts (see Our Town, Nov. 4) to ally itself with the segregationist government of the Republic of South Africa.

    Our Town spoke with Dr. William V. Banks, supreme president of the International Free and Accepted Modern Masons, a Black Masonic organization claiming a membership of 350,000.

    Dr. Banks, who has endorsed USLP leader Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche, Jr. for President of the United States in 1980, said that party members never mentioned to him their contacts with the South African government.

    "This is the first I've heard about it," Banks said. "They told me only that they were against apartheid and that they wanted to cooperate with the groups fighting against it, the revolutionary groups."

    We asked Banks if he would continue to support LaRouche for president if presented with convincing evidence of USLP support for the South African white minority regime. "Definitely not," he said.(Note: The International Masons are currently the USLP's most important ally. Not only have they provided endorsements and a cover of credibility for LaRouche's presidential campaign and for the party's National Anti-Drug Coalition, but they have also provided an important media outlet. Dr. Banks is the president of WGPR Radio and Television in Detroit, a media complex owned by the International Masons and providing low-cost advertising to bring Lyndon LaRouche's message into hundreds of thousands of homes in the greater Detroit area.)

    Our Town next spoke with Hasan Sharif, public relations secretary for Imam Wallace Deen Muhammed, leader of the World Community of Al-Islam in the West (formerly the Black Muslims). The Muslim organization has given qualified support to the USLP's Anti-Drug Coalition, although it also has raised sharp public criticisms of the USLP ideology and of LaRouche's presidential campaign.

    "There was definitely never any mention of support for the South African government," said Sharif. "We would never endorse anything like that. You're telling me about it for the first time."

    Sharif also spoke of a "strong awareness" within the organization's Council of Imams that the USLP "is a group that picks sensitive issues and uses them to infiltrate other groups."

    Defectors from the USLP confirmed the statements of Banks and Sharif. "The withholding of information from the party's Black allies was conscious and deliberate," said our defector. "It's a standard tactic for LaRouche--just like withholding from his own rank and file the real facts about his rightwing connections."

    Our Town searched through USLP literature printed since the fall of 1978, when the party's alliance with Blacks in the Anti-Drug Coalition first became important. Favorable mention of the South African government and open calls for American investment in South Africa have apparently been purged since then from any printed matter likely to be read in Black communities (the biweekly New Solidarity, leaflets, Anti-Drug Coalition materials).

    Prior to the launching of the Anti-Drug Coalition, the USLP was not so cautious. In August 1978 (only one month after LaRouche's personal meeting with Wallace Muhammed in Chicago to explore the possibility of joint action), New Solidarity bragged about the favorable coverage of LaRouche in To the Point International, a pro-apartheid South African magazine which was later exposed as a propaganda arm of the SA Bureau of State Security.

    Although such indiscretions are no longer found in mass circulation USLP publications, the party continues to promote the cause of the South African white regime via Executive Intelligence Review, a weekly magazine sold to businessmen for $400 per year.

    The issue of USLP deception of Blacks is complicated by the fact that much of the party's previous pro-South Africa propaganda was disguised under the veneer of anti-apartheid rhetoric. For instance, the pamphlet "Peace Through Development in Southern Africa,” published in the spring of 1978 in preparation for the party's Conference on the Industrial Development of Southern Africa, argued for the disbanding of the apartheid system (although it also called for massive low-interest U.S. loans to the regime which practices apartheid).

    Our Town has obtained several confidential USLP internal documents and intelligence reports on South Africa which were produced by the party's security and intelligence staffs in 1977-78. These documents, which party defectors say were never circulated to the party rank and file much less to the general public, give an entirely different picture of the party's atitude to the race question in South Africa.

    We cite "The British in Southern Africa: Preliminary Report," an internal document prepared by Douglas DeGroot of the party's Africa intelligence sector and dated Nov. 23, 1977.

    DeGroot criticizes the "British" and the "Fabians" (both notorious USLP code words for international Jewry) for allegedly inspiring white critics of apartheid in South Africa and elsewhere to pressure the Afrikaners (the white South Africans of Dutch descent who currently rule the country) to treat the country's blacks as equal human beings. DeGroot describes South Africa’s pre-colonial Black population as "hopelessly primitive" and criticizes with scorn the "missionary, pro-savage" sentiments of liberal whites, whom he likens to the 18th century followers of Jean Jacques Rousseau (author of the Noble Savage idea).

    Within this context, DeGroot waxes indignant over liberal criticisms of the Afrikaners (or "Boers"):

    Any refusal by [these] settlers to compromise with fabian Rousseauvian initiatives were branded as racism on the part of the settlers, which would then be complemented by an entire chorus of liberal anti-racist institutions singing their lines on cue, convincing the more mushy elements in the advanced sector that "racism" is in fact a problem. The gut reaction against the fabian racists by the settlers...didn't amount to much more than that: a healthy but not very insightful reaction. They know they are being asked to compromise with what they recognize as an inferior culture, and react negatively. What they don't understand or are unable to organize politically, is that conditions can be created whereby a process is instituted that will transform inferior cultures into human ones.

    The implication, of course, is that the Blacks in South Africa are not yet human beings--which is precisely the rationale used by the Afrikaners to justify apartheid.

    DeGroot then proceeds to express his profound regrets that the Afrikaners should even be faced with the need to turn Blacks into human beings. He asserts that South Africa would be better off today if, in the 19th century, it had fallen under the domination of the Germans rather than the "British." He believes that such a development would have led to the "natives" being treated like the Indians on the American frontier; i.e., being largely wiped out by the advance of "civilized" settlers. (According to DeGroot, the "British" deliberately stifled white immigration in order to protect the Black tribal regions.)

    DeGroot does not use the terms "extermination" or "final solution," but he refers to an "American solution" which in context means the same thing. We quote the full passage so that the USLP's current allies among American Blacks can decide the meaning for themselves:

    Given the aversive atmosphere set up between the [Boers and the natives] by the British due to the British setting up and backing various of the native potentates, this [the race question] was a tough question to handle. The Africans seem to have been more advanced on the whole than the American Indians, for example, since the Africans did get involved in providing labor for the settlers on a wider scale than happened in America.

    The passage continues: "If the Krupp-German project had succeeded, the native question could very well have worked itself out....The monetarist decision [Editor: He means the Jewish bankers' alleged decision] to deliberately limit the number of settlers from Europe to a very small group, plus their entrenched networks among the native population thanks to the missionaries, et al, made the American solution to the native question impossible."

    Such an idea is hardly appropriate for public dissemination, so when DeGroot got up to speak at the Conference on Industrial Development of Southern Africa before a crowd which included Black African diplomats, he gave a quite different version of the settlement question: "If the blacks had been allowed to freely associate...with the European settlers and what they were trying to do at the time, the blacks would have very rapidly acquired [modern] skill levels...."

    The tactic of speaking out of both sides of the mouth is also seen in USLP's anti-Semitic agitation directed at American Blacks and South African whites.

  • Example One: Last Aug. 25, shortly after the resignation of U.N. Ambassador Andrew Young, the USLP decided to cash in on Black feelings of resentment toward the Jewish community. LaRouche issued a presidential campaign statement entitled "USLP to Black Leaders: We'll Destroy the Zionists Politically." He described America's Jews as "the evil men who are poisoning the youth of the ghettoes and the cities" (a reference to the USLP theory that Jews control the heroin traffic). He also referred to the "slave trader mentality of the Zionists" and announced "we [Blacks and the USLP] are poised to destroy this enemy politically if we collaborate."

  • Example Two: In a secret "intelligence report," which USLP defectors claim was prepared by the party's security staff for the South African government in the fall of 1977, the party attempted to play upon Afrikaner resentment of Jewish and liberal criticisms of apartheid. According to this report ("The Conspiracy to Destroy the Republic of South Africa"), the Afrikaners are being victimized by an "antiprogress conspiracy" of Jewish investment houses such as Loeb Rhoades, Lazard Bros., Lehman Bros., Kuhn Loeb, and Goldman Sachs, led by Baron Guy de Rothschild. The report alleges that the Jewish financiers are responsible for setting up the Black Power movement in South Africa, developing anti-apartheid groups in Britain and the United States, and provoking the Soweto riots and other examples of black "terrorism." (Another USLP document claims that the Jewish bankers brainwashed a group of Blacks into cannibalizing a white nun.) The “Conspiracy" report also charges the Jewish financiers with contriving government scandals in South Africa to effect the "weakening of U.S. 'official government' collaboration with the [South African] government."

    In other words: USLP literature directed at American Blacks attacks Jews as racists, while USLP literature directed at South African whites attacks the same Jews as anti-racist supporters of Black liberation. One of the USLP defectors summed the situation up: "The party leadership doesn't really care about the problems of Black people in the United States--nor does it have any real sympathy for the Afrikaners. It just wants to manipulate both groups into supporting its international crusade against the Jews."

    According to defectors, the USLP campaign to woo the South Africans was triggered by a series of articles which appeared in June 1977 in The Citizen, a Johannesburg daily subsidized by the South African government. The articles, based on information from Birch Society sources in the U.S., detailed an alleged "secret war" waged by the U.S. against South Africa. They were filled with the type of conspiracy theories in which the USLP had long delighted: the Bilderbergers, the CIA, the Trilateral Commission, the Council on Foreign Relations, the liberal foundations, the Royal Institute for International Affairs...all conspiring against the beleaguered Boers.

    USLP leaders began to speculate that, just perhaps, there might be a "humanist" faction amongst the rulers of South Africa which would be susceptible to the USLP program (or at least could produce some money for the party coffers by purchasing "intelligence reports"). The party leaders also noted, of course, the eclecticism of The Citizen articles and figured the South Africans could use a little ideological upgrading.

    A search through South African newspapers and magazines turned up an appropriate faction amongst the Afrikaners: a group of economic growth-oriented industrialists and politicians whom the USLP could envision as being locked in a life-and-death struggle (like the USLP itself) against Jewish financiers such as Harry Oppenheimer of the Anglo-American Mining Corporation.

    USLP termed this group the "Pretoria humanists," but for the Our Town reader to understand what the USLP was really talking about--and the "signals" it was really sending out--it is first necessary to know a little about the structure of South African politics.

    The republic is ruled as a partial dictatorship over English-speaking whites (as well as a total dictatorship over the nonwhite population) by the Afrikaners, who speak a bastardized form of Dutch. The Afrikaners rule through the Nationalist Party, but this party is in turn controlled by the Broederbond, a secret society of 12,000 leading Afrikaners who operate in a quasi-totalitarian manner. The Broederbond is not only dedicated to maintaining Afrikaner political power but also to gradually dislodging the English-speaking (including Jewish) whites from the dominant role in the nation's economy.

    Like the USLP, the Broederbond (aka Bond) has a history of anti-Semitism. It has always been strongly pro-German, and during World War Two it opposed the South African government's support for the Allies. Some of its leading members established a Nazi organization, the infamous Ossewa Brandwag. After the war, the Bond came to power via a Nationalist Party electoral victory over General Smuts, the anti-fascist prime minister whom the Bond detested for allegedly selling out to the British. The Bond then proceeded to reorganize South African society in accord with its racist theory of apartheid (or separate development). It has ruled the nation ever since. (Our Town readers who want more details should read The Broederbond by Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom, a 450-page expose published this year by Paddington Press.)

    The USLP, in its internal documents on South Africa, rarely if ever mentions the Broederbond. But in fact the "discovery" of the Pretoria humanists was really a discovery of the Broederbond, and the subsequent attempt to link up with the Pretoria humanists was really an attempt to ally with the Broederbond.

    "There is in SA a network of actual humanists," wrote the USLP's David Cherry. "It is led by former foreign minister Hilgard former Minister of Finance Nico Diederichs...and in the younger generation by Anton Rupert...."

    The USLP claims that these three South Africans possess a special enlightened attitude; but all three are leading Broederbond members (see Wilkins and Strydom) and hence must be regarded as loyal upholders of the apartheid system.

    Of the three, Diederichs (who has since died) was the most prestigious--one of the grand old men of the Nationalist Party. Let us examine his record as a "humanist":

    1. In the early 1930s, the Bond was fascinated by Hitler and sent a few selected Afrikaners to Germany to "study methods employed in the education of the nation's youth." Dr. Nico Diederichs was one who went across to study and report, and qualified as a Quisling in the Nazi's Anti-Komintern training school." (Wilkins and Strydom, p. 76.)

    2. In 1934, just returned from Germany, Diederichs was one of the founders of the pro-Nazi Afrikaanse Nasionale Studentebonde in South Africa. (W&S, p. 256.)

    3. In 1936, Diederichs published his book on Afrikaner nationalism which served as the theoretical foundation for apartheid. (W&S, p. 196.)

    4. From 1938 to 1942, Diederichs was the chairman of the Broederbond. During this period, the Bond favored a Nazi victory, worked closely with the Ossewa Brandwag stormtroopers, maintained secret radio transmitters to send military secrets to the Nazis, and in general functioned as a Fifth Column within South Africa. (W&S, pp. 48, 79.)

    5. In 1948, Diederichs was a founder of the South African Bureau for Racial Affairs (SABRA), a Broederbond propaganda organ dedicated to the defense of apartheid. (W&S, p. 272.)

    6. In later years through the 1970s, Diederichs served as Minister of Finance and then State President of the apartheid republic. (W&S, p. 425.)

    In one of the USLP internal documents, intelligence staffer David Cherry describes an attempt to communicate with this great humanist. Cherry says that he sent Diederichs a copy of Lyndon LaRouche's proposal for an International Development Bank, and that Diederichs sent back a "personal note of thanks." To date, this is the only instance of communication between the USLP and a Broederbond leader that Our Town has been able to uncover. Perhaps the USLP's Black allies should ask LaRouche: How many more documents were sent? To whom? And were replies of a more significant nature received?

    The Pretoria humanist who fascinated USLP the most, however, was not Diederichs, but Anton Rupert: the Afrikaner tobacco tycoon who has become a hero to many Afrikaners as a result of his successes in the international economic arena. The USLP decided, based on a study of Rupert's speeches and writings, that he was not just an "actual humanist" but a "conscious humanist." They even claimed to discover traces of LaRouche-style epistemology in his business pep talks.

    The USLP especially admired Rupert for his creation of the EDESA bank in 1973 with the cooperation of West German financiers such as the late Juergen Ponto, in order to channel European investment into South Africa and South African investment into Black Africa. In fact, the USLP Conference on the Industrial Development of Southern Africa was an attempt to popularize and further develop this scheme.

    In addition, the USLP cadre speculated that their hero might have a glamorous connection to the Bureau of State Security, to which the party aspired to sell its intelligence services. Noting that Rupert's business empire operates in 140 countries, David Cherry asked "whether Rupert is in so many countries to sell tobacco or to operate intelligence/influence channels."

    Although not a political figure like Diederichs or Muller, Rupert's entire career has been closely linked to the Broederbond. He began his Rembrandt tobacco company with the help of the Volkskas, the Bond's bank, which in the early days allowed Rembrandt overdrafts of over one million pounds. In the 1950s, board chairmen of Rembrandt included Diederichs and also Ivan Lombard, former general secretary of the Bond; while a Rembrandt executive during that period, Dr. Piet Meyer, became chairman of the Bond in the 1960s.

    Thus, with the true nature of the Pretoria humanists uncovered, it becomes possible to understand the bizarre documents which the USLP concocted to appeal to them. These documents, with their hysterical attacks on the British, on the late General Smuts, and on the Oppenheimer mining interests, are nothing but the traditional Broederbond quasi-Nazi line, with a few special LaRouchian twists. Of course, the hoped-for alliance never materialized (see Our Town, Nov. 4), but the LaRouche group wasn't completely crazy for trying. The Broederbond and the USLP have in some respects a very similar theory of rule by an elite. The USLP calls itself a "Platonic elite" and in fact Bond leaders in the past have used similar language. For instance, in a parliamentary debate at the end of World War Two, a Bond spokesman compared his group to Plato's "Guardians of the State."

    For the benefit of LaRouche's misguided Black and Jewish allies, we present a summary of the historical analysis prepared by the USLP to glorify the Pretoria humanists: Since the 19th century, South African history has been determined by the struggle between the humanists (the Boers and their German allies) and the monetarist looters (the British, fronting for the Jewish bankers). The great tragedy in South Africa's development was when the Germans lost out to the British in the 1890s for economic control of South Africa--because the Germans would have brought in more white settlers (with no nonsense about tribal rights) and would have industrialized the country thoroughly, whereas the "Brits" and their Jewish masters have only engaged in monetarist policies (i.e., usury).

    The horrors of apartheid are not the moral responsibility of the Boers, the USLP says, since the latter were merely brainwashed and manipulated into their racist mentality by the Jewish bankers. These same Jews, such as Harry Oppenheimer, now talk of gradually disbanding apartheid but their schemes are in fact only a new maneuver for destroying both the Boers and the Blacks. They want to manipulate a race war today, just as they manipulated the Boers into World War II against the true friend of the Boers, Germany.

    In the ongoing struggle--which one USLP document describes as being the most intense struggle between Jews and "humanists" anywhere in the world today--the USLP believes Anton Rupert has played a key role via his Rembrandt group's efforts to weaken the economic position of the Oppenheimers and other Jewish interests (and also to strengthen ties with the West Germans). He is also praised in one report for allegedly maintaining the ethnic (non-Jewish) purity of his boards of directors:

    Rupert's boards are heavily, almost exclusively, Afrikaner, and people with connections to the City of London and Wall Street are entirely absent...the members of the boards are not involved in...fields known for their speculative content.

    In addition, Rupert is hailed for his alleged understanding that apartheid cannot and should not be abolished at the present time. On this last point, the USLP summarizes approvingly what it believes to be the strategic thinking of Rupert’s humanist network:

    The British may have used...the Africans against us as a political battering ram. But we will not submit. Even if many lives are lost because we are unable to eliminate apartheid on our terms, we will not submit. We must hold out until there is a correlation of forces in the world favorable to our humanist cause. If we dismantle apartheid before then, it means the Africans are just British pawns, and we humanists will be wiped out.

    The above quote may or may not reflect the private opinions of Mr. Rupert (to the USLP he is as much a symbol as a real person), but it does reveal the essence of USLP politics: Translated from the LaRouchian code language it actually says that the abolition of apartheid must wait for the advent of "humanist" (neo-Nazi) revolutions to overthrow the power of the Jews in Europe and the United States. Only then can "civilization" move forward in South Africa.

    Until this millennium, what kind of society does the USLP suggest to the Pretoria humanists? The picture we get is something quite similar to Nazi Germany: a nation tightly controlled by Boer industrialists and with Jewish business interests purged (the USLP calls it "bankrupting out the monetarist firms"), a nation which preserves the racial purity of its leadership, a nation which dominates its neighbors in alliance with the West Germans, a nation which bases itself on "parastatal" forms of industry similar to those in Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini's Italy.

    The picture also includes (in spite of the USLP's public protestations against apartheid), a proposed expansion of the contract labor system so important to the apartheid regime. One of the reports calls, for instance, for "massive immigration of regional labor to SA for periods of education and improvement in basic industrial-agricultural skills." (Note the emphasis on temporary residence, not real immigration.)

    Finally, the USLP proposals hint very strongly at the need for military conquest and the creation of puppet regimes in the Black African "front line" states. In the contract labor report, such a hint is contained in a suggestion for the creation of massive new industrial port facilities at Lourenco Marques, the capital of the People's Republic of Mozambique, not just as an investment but for geopolitical reasons. We quote:

    The choice of Lourenco Marques must be understood for what it represents politically, both in forcing the labor power policy in the appropriate direction and in creating a geometry in which terrorist networks--particularly of the Soweto riots, People's African Congress, The World variety that operate out of Swaziland--can be mopped up, and not just as a cute racial gesture of detente. [Italics ours--ed.]

    The implications should be clear (especially if one notes the location of Swaziland on a map). Mozambique, an anti-colonial state, would hardly agree to help crush the Black liberation groups operating from a neighboring Black country. Nor would it be likely to agree to "forcing" its own people in the "appropriate direction" of contract labor camps. Hence, the only way such a policy could be carried out is through a South African invasion of Mozambique.

    Suddenly, all of the USLP maps showing mineral resources, railroads, and, future energy grids throughout the Southern African region begin to make sense. The entire bizarre Nazi fantasy stands revealed. The USLP has not just taken up the plans of Juergen Ponto and other German bankers for a German-South African economic domination of the region. It has also resurrected the Nazi theory of geopolitics which was the rationale for Hitler's invasion of Eastern Europe, and has applied that theory to Africans rather than Poles and Russians.

    Zambia, Botswana, Angola, Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania: all would become South African satellite states under this scheme--a belt of nations economically dependent on, serving, and controlled by South Africa. Indeed, USLP's David Cherry carries the theory to a bizarre extreme: "In four or five years, raw totally unskilled and virtually illiterate labor [could] be expected to flow directly from the bush (from Zaire, etc.) to South Africa, in the hundreds and then in the thousands," eventually including "migrations involving whole tribes."

    This would be contract labor for new factories (arms factories?) in the Johannesburg area. Forced redirection of labor power. Good for the Boers. But with one urgent problem: the Boers would have to learn how to "squeeze skilled and semiskilled industrial labor for industrial expansion out of the apartheid grid rather rapidly...."

    Yet if the USLP theorists in their offices in New York City dream of a humanist Fourth Reich in South Africa (to parallel a LaRouche humanist presidency in the U.S.), one should be fair to the present rulers of South Africa and admit that the latter are somewhat less fascistic than their would-be mentors.

    "I attended the U.S. Labor Party conference in Washington," said a white South African who supports the Afrikaner regime. "I think they're a bunch of dangerous crackpots--besides, their maps were all wrong."

    SIDEBAR: The USLP and John McGoff

    Our Town has investigated the allegation of USLP defectors that the party had formed a close link in 1977-78 with ultraconservative Michigan publisher John P. McGoff, a major figure in South Africa's "Mulder scandal."

    According to the South African opposition press and former South African Information Secretary Eschel Rhoody, McGoff was provided with $11.5 million in 1974 from the South African government's "secret fund" in order to buy the Washington Star and other U.S. media outlets and transform them into pro-South Africa propaganda organs.

    These charges are currently under investigation here in the U.S. by the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Justice Department's Foreign Agents Registration Unit, and a Federal grand jury. McGoff denies the charges, but has refused to turn his financial records over to the SEC investigators.

    McGoff is a personal friend and business associate of former South African Information Minister Connie Mulder, the central figure in the influence-buying scandal. McGoff is also one of the most outspoken friends of South Africa in this country, although critical of its apartheid policies.

    Our Town has been unable so far to reach McGoff to ask him directly about the USLP connection. However, researcher Kalev Pehme did succeed in getting some answers from Jim Whelan, a McGoff spokesman and vice president for editorial services of McGoff's Panax Corporation, a chain of about 30 U.S. newspapers.

    Whelan recalled that when he first came to work at Panax in 1977, the USLP "bombarded" him with phone calls and literature. He said they would use McGoff's name to get through to him. While still new on the job, he would carefully check back with McGoff and then humor the USLP callers. But as he became more confident in his position, he decided to stop answering their calls, figuring they were just "bluster."

    How did the USLP succeed in getting in with Panax, even temporarily? Whelan recalled they were "very seductive" and that for a brief period in 1977 the USLP had an "allure" for conservatives in general. He also said the USLP "may have been given" a contribution by McGoff during this period as a result of sheer persistence.

    Whelan added that the USLP tried calling other Panax executives--unsuccessfully--after he stopped answering their calls, and that there is currently no communication between Panax and the USLP.

    Is this the whole story? Our Town has obtained a draft copy of one portion of a report prepared by the USLP security staff in early 1978 regarding the National News Council, the "ethics committee" of the newspaper industry. USLP defectors say they were told by party leaders that the report had been prepared for Panax and that the USLP had been paid in advance at least $1,000, with several thousand dollars more due on completion.

    Such a report could have been of interest to Panax. Several months previously, the publishing chain had been involved in an altercation with the NNC over McGoff's firing of two editors in Michigan who refused to print an allegedly scurrilous article about sex in the Carter White House. The NNC had passed a resolution critical of the firings, and Panax had taken a full-page ad in Editor and Publisher to answer the NNC.

    The portion of the USLP report in Our Town's possession includes an interview with NNC aide Charles Alexander (we verified with Alexander that the interview was authentic) and biographical data on NNC members. It asserts that the decision in the McGoff case was part of a pattern of NNC decisions "aimed at undermining opponents of the British system." (In USLP semantics, "British" frequently means "Jewish.")

    Whelan admitted that Panax had received the report, but claimed the company had never solicited, ordered or requested it. He denied that any money had been paid out and termed the allegation "garbage." In his recollection, the NNC report was only one of many unsolicited documents the USLP had thrust upon Panax.

    Whelan recalled the NNC report as "long on rhetoric and of no particular value to us." Panax is not interested, he said, in getting involved in a "war of personalities" with the NNC.

    Our Town's sources among the USLP defectors admit they never saw a check from Panax, and that on other occasions the USLP leadership had given out deceptive information about the destination of various intelligence reports. But one defector remembered that the "security staff was absolutely hysterical about getting the National News Council report done on time--they definitely behaved as if they had a deadline to meet for someone. They don't behave that way when it's an in-house job."